lly. Recruiting agreements were reached with the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique, from where much mine labor came.

When, by 1904, African sources still proved inadequate to get the mines working at pre-War levels, over 60,000 indentured Chinese were brought in. This precipitated a vociferous outcry from proponents of white supremacy inside South Africa and liberals in Britain.

By 1910, all had been repatriated, a step made easier when a surge of Africans came forward from areas such as the Transkeian territories and the northern Transvaal, which had not been large-scale suppliers of migrants before.

This was the heyday of the private recruiters, who exploited families' indebtedness to procure youn

The War that followed the mineral revolution was mainly a white man's war. In its first phase, the Boer forces took the initiative, besieging the frontier towns of Mafeking (Mafikeng) and Kimberley in the northern Cape and Ladysmith in northern Natal. Some colonial Boers rebelled, however, in sympathy with the republics. But after a large expeditionary force under Lords Roberts and Kitchener arrived, the British advance was rapid. Kruger fled the Transvaal shortly before Pretoria fell in June 1900.

The formal conquest of the two Boer republics was followed by a prolonged guerrilla campaign. Small, mobile groups of Boers denied the imperial forces their victory by disrupting rail links and supply lines.

Commandos swept deep into colonial territory, rousing rebellion wherever they went. The British were at a disadvantage owing to their lack of familiarity with the terrain and the Boers' superior skills as horsemen and sharpshooters.

The British responded with a scorched-earth policy. This included farm burnings and looting and the setting-up of concentration camps for non-combatants, in which some 26,000 Boer women and children died from disease. The incarceration of black (including coloured) people in the path of the War in racially segregated camps has been absent in conventional accounts of the War and has only recently been acknowledged. They too suffered from appalling conditions and some 14,000 (perhaps many more) are estimated to have died.

At the same time, many black farmers who were in a position to meet the demand for produce created by the military, or avail themselves of employment opportunities at good wages, benefited from the War. Some 10,000 black servants accompanied the Boer commandos and the British used Africans as laborers, scouts, dispatch riders, drivers and guards.

The War also taught many Africans that the forces of dispossession could be rolled back if the circumstances were right. It also gave black communities the opportunity to re colonize land lost in conquest, which enabled them to withhold their labor after the War. Most supported the British in the belief that Britain was committed to extending civil and political rights to black people.

In this they were to be disappointed, as in the Treaty of Vereeniging that ended the War, the British agreed to leave the issue of rights for Africans to be decided by a future self-governing (white) authority.

All in all, the Anglo-Boer/South African War was a radicalizing experience for Africans.

Britain's reconstruction regime set about creating a white-ruled dominion by uniting the former Boer republics (both by then British colonies) with Natal and the Cape.

The most important priority was to re-establish white control over the land and force the Africans back to wage labor. The labor-recruiting system was improved, both internally and externally. Recruiting agreements were reached with the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique, from where much mine labor came.

When, by 1904, African sources still proved inadequate to get the mines working at pre-War levels, over 60,000 indentured Chinese were brought in. This precipitated a vociferous outcry from proponents of white supremacy inside South Africa and liberals in Britain.

By 1910, all had been repatriated, a step made easier when a surge of Africans came forward from areas such as the Transkeian territories and the northern Transvaal, which had not been large-scale suppliers of migrants before.

This was the heyday of the private recruiters, who exploited families' indebtedness to procure young

ndos swept deep into colonial territory, rousing rebellion wherever they went. The British were at a disadvantage owing to their lack of familiarity with the terrain and the Boers' superior skills as horsemen and sharpshooters.

The British responded with a scorched-earth policy. This included farm burnings and looting and the setting-up of concentration camps for non-combatants, in which some 26,000 Boer women and children died from disease. The incarceration of black (including coloured) people in the path of the War in racially segregated camps has been absent in conventional accounts of the War and has only recently been acknowledged. They too suffered from appalling conditions and some 14,000 (perhaps many more) are estimated to have died.

At the same time, many black farmers who were in a position to meet the demand for produce created by the military, or avail themselves of employment opportunities at good wages, benefited from the War. Some 10,000 black servants accompanied the Boer commandos and the British used Africans as laborers, scouts, dispatch riders, drivers and guards.

The War also taught many Africans that the forces of dispossession could be rolled back if the circumstances were right. It also gave black communities the opportunity to re colonize land lost in conquest, which enabled them to withhold their labor after the War. Most supported the British in the belief that Britain was committed to extending civil and political rights to black people.

In this they were to be disappointed, as in the Treaty of Vereeniging that ended the War, the British agreed to leave the issue of rights for Africans to be decided by a future self-governing (white) authority.

All in all, the Anglo-Boer/South African War was a radicalizing experience for Africans.

Britain's reconstruction regime set about creating a white-ruled dominion by uniting the former Boer republics (both by then British colonies) with Natal and the Cape.

The most important priority was to re-establish white control over the land and force the Africans back to wage labor. The labor-recruiting system was improved, both internally and externally. Recruiting agreements were reached with the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique, from where much mine labor came.

When, by 1904, African sources still proved inadequate to get the mines working at pre-War levels, over 60,000 indentured Chinese were brought in. This precipitated a vociferous outcry from proponents of white supremacy inside South Africa and liberals in Britain.

By 1910, all had been repatriated, a step made easier when a surge of Africans came forward from areas such as the Transkeian territories and the northern Transvaal, which had not been large-scale suppliers of migrants before.

This was the heyday of the private recruiters, who exploited families' indebtedness to procure youn

) are estimated to have died.

At the same time, many black farmers who were in a position to meet the demand for produce created by the military, or avail themselves of employment opportunities at good wages, benefited from the War. Some 10,000 black servants accompanied the Boer commandos and the British used Africans as laborers, scouts, dispatch riders, drivers and guards.

The War also taught many Africans that the forces of dispossession could be rolled back if the circumstances were right. It also gave black communities the opportunity to re colonize land lost in conquest, which enabled them to withhold their labor after the War. Most supported the British in the belief that Britain was committed to extending civil and political rights to black people.

In this they were to be disappointed, as in the Treaty of Vereeniging that ended the War, the British agreed to leave the issue of rights for Africans to be decided by a future self-governing (white) authority.

All in all, the Anglo-Boer/South African War was a radicalizing experience for Africans.

Britain's reconstruction regime set about creating a white-ruled dominion by uniting the former Boer republics (both by then British colonies) with Natal and the Cape.

The most important priority was to re-establish white control over the land and force the Africans back to wage labor. The labor-recruiting system was improved, both internally and externally. Recruiting agreements were reached with the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique, from where much mine labor came.

When, by 1904, African sources still proved inadequate to get the mines working at pre-War levels, over 60,000 indentured Chinese were brought in. This precipitated a vociferous outcry from proponents of white supremacy inside South Africa and liberals in Britain.

By 1910, all had been repatriated, a step made easier when a surge of Africans came forward from areas such as the Transkeian territories and the northern Transvaal, which had not been large-scale suppliers of migrants before.

This was the heyday of the private recruiters, who exploited families' indebtedness to procure youn

nding civil and political rights to black people.

In this they were to be disappointed, as in the Treaty of Vereeniging that ended the War, the British agreed to leave the issue of rights for Africans to be decided by a future self-governing (white) authority.

All in all, the Anglo-Boer/South African War was a radicalizing experience for Africans.

Britain's reconstruction regime set about creating a white-ruled dominion by uniting the former Boer republics (both by then British colonies) with Natal and the Cape.

The most important priority was to re-establish white control over the land and force the Africans back to wage labor. The labor-recruiting system was improved, both internally and externally. Recruiting agreements were reached with the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique, from where much mine labor came.

When, by 1904, African sources still proved inadequate to get the mines working at pre-War levels, over 60,000 indentured Chinese were brought in. This precipitated a vociferous outcry from proponents of white supremacy inside South Africa and liberals in Britain.

By 1910, all had been repatriated, a step made easier when a surge of Africans came forward from areas such as the Transkeian territories and the northern Transvaal, which had not been large-scale suppliers of migrants before.

This was the heyday of the private recruiters, who exploited families' indebtedness to procure youn

lly. Recruiting agreements were reached with the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique, from where much mine labor came.

When, by 1904, African sources still proved inadequate to get the mines working at pre-War levels, over 60,000 indentured Chinese were brought in. This precipitated a vociferous outcry from proponents of white supremacy inside South Africa and liberals in Britain.

By 1910, all had been repatriated, a step made easier when a surge of Africans came forward from areas such as the Transkeian territories and the northern Transvaal, which had not been large-scale suppliers of migrants before.

This was the heyday of the private recruiters, who exploited families' indebtedness to procure young men to labor in the mines. The Africans' post-war ability to withhold their labor had been undercut by government action, abetted by drought and stock disease.

The impact of the Anglo-Boer/South African War as a seminal influence in the development of Afrikaner nationalist politics became apparent in subsequent years.

The Boer leaders ­ most notably Louis Botha, Jan Smuts and JBM Hertzog ­ played a dominant role in the country's politics for the next half a century.

After initial plans for Anglicization of the defeated Afrikaners through the education system, and numerical swamping through British immigration, were abandoned as impractical, the British looked to the Afrikaners as collaborators in securing imperial political and economic interests.

During 1907 and 1908, the two former Boer republics were granted self-government but, crucially, with a whites-only franchise. Despite promises to the contrary, black interests were sacrificed in the interest of white nation-building across the white language divide. The National Convention drew up a constitution and the four colonies became an independent dominion called the Union of South Africa on 31 May 1910.

The 19th-century formally non-racial franchise was retained in the Cape but was not extended elsewhere, where rights of citizenship were confined to whites alone.

It was clear from the start that segregation was the conventional wisdom of the new rulers. Black people were defined as outsiders, without rights or claims on the common society that their labor had helped to create.