r advertising revenue.

Inevitably,political economy has been particularly interested in determining the appropriate scope of public intervention. It is therefore inevitably involved in evaluating competing policies. Others comes to notice that news institutions have long been closely connected with politics; Zhao offers a detailed and persuasive account of the blending of commercial and propagandistic objectives in state-controlled media in post-Tiananmen Square China. After Tiananmen Square, the government tightened controls on the media, closed down three leading publications whose coverage it judged too sympathetic to the protesters, replaced editors at other newspapers, and required all news organizations to engage in self-criticism. The state continues to monitor political news but pays less attention to coverage of economic, social, and environmental issues.

To this extent, we see that news is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen, which means to understand news, we must understand what the sources are, most often the

Political Economy is the study of social relations, particularly the power relations, that mutually constitute the production, distribution, and consumption of resources. In the 20th century there has been a sharp rise in the media industries (i.e. radio, television, film, newspapers…etc.). Corporations are now scrutinizing the economies of these media companies.

The products of public communications, which are seen in forms of newspapers, books, magazines, films, music are the primary resources. "It emphasizes the institutional circuit of communication products that links, for example, a chain of primary producers to wholesalers, retailers, and consumers, whose purchases, rentals, and attention are fed back into new processes of production. The definition provides a set of basic categories that distinguish among the functions of, for example, a major film producer like Cineplex-Odeon, and the various types of consumers and consumption patterns, such as cinema attendance and television-viewing. Moreover, political economy tends to concentrate on a specific set of social relations organized around power or the ability to control other people, processes, and things, even in the face of resistance. This would lead the political economists of communication to look at shifting forms of control along the production, distribution, and consumption circuit. What distinguishes the critical political economy is precisely its focus on the interplay between the symbolic and economic dimensions of public communications.

However, there is a well suited critical political economy critique, as it takes its intellectual vigor and sees cultural industries as inimical to the social and economic benefits of the masses. It is noted that one of the challenges of traditional Marxist theory and political economy studies is to describe the ways in which more and more activities are incorporated into the capitalist sphere of production. As a political economy critique, this study is concerned with ownership, support mechanisms, and government policies which influence media behavior and content. While many economists may see the marketplace as unquestionably benevolent and self-righting, critical political economists do not automatically make this assumption.

Therefore, it is worth distinguishing critical political economy from two other economic perspectives, which are liberal political economy and classical political economy. Researchers assert that the greater play in market forces means greater "freedom" of consumer choice. Therefore, liberal political economists believe that privatization of public services and communications is preferable because it increases consumer choice. Classical political economists would also assert that government intervention should be minimized so that market forces can have the widest "freedom" of operation. Meanwhile, critical political economists diverge from both of these perspectives by seeing beyond presupposed "freedoms," and focus on distortions and inequalities in the market system, which is often characterized by oligarchy or monopoly embodied in political and economical factors in critical political economy. They further point out that "whereas mainstream economics sees the economy as a separate and specialized domain, critical political economy is interested in the interplay between economic organizations and political, social and cultural life.

We should also look at critical political economy in relation to the contemporary culture, where media production has been increasing, commandeered by large corporations and molded to their interests and strategies. The reach of corporate relations has been extended by a push towards 'privatization' and the declining vitality of publicly funded cultural institutions. The extension of corporate reach reinforces a major process - The commoditization of cultural life. This is to say that when media products are seen as a good to be purchased by the mass audiences as consumers at this point, "firstly, audiences themselves contribute to the cost of programming in the form of additions to the retail price of heavily advertised goods, and secondly, audiences themselves are the primary commodity. The economics of commercial broadcasting revolves around the exchange of audiences for advertising revenue.

Inevitably,political economy has been particularly interested in determining the appropriate scope of public intervention. It is therefore inevitably involved in evaluating competing policies. Others comes to notice that news institutions have long been closely connected with politics; Zhao offers a detailed and persuasive account of the blending of commercial and propagandistic objectives in state-controlled media in post-Tiananmen Square China. After Tiananmen Square, the government tightened controls on the media, closed down three leading publications whose coverage it judged too sympathetic to the protesters, replaced editors at other newspapers, and required all news organizations to engage in self-criticism. The state continues to monitor political news but pays less attention to coverage of economic, social, and environmental issues.

To this extent, we see that news is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen, which means to understand news, we must understand what the sources are, most often the s

ocial relations organized around power or the ability to control other people, processes, and things, even in the face of resistance. This would lead the political economists of communication to look at shifting forms of control along the production, distribution, and consumption circuit. What distinguishes the critical political economy is precisely its focus on the interplay between the symbolic and economic dimensions of public communications.

However, there is a well suited critical political economy critique, as it takes its intellectual vigor and sees cultural industries as inimical to the social and economic benefits of the masses. It is noted that one of the challenges of traditional Marxist theory and political economy studies is to describe the ways in which more and more activities are incorporated into the capitalist sphere of production. As a political economy critique, this study is concerned with ownership, support mechanisms, and government policies which influence media behavior and content. While many economists may see the marketplace as unquestionably benevolent and self-righting, critical political economists do not automatically make this assumption.

Therefore, it is worth distinguishing critical political economy from two other economic perspectives, which are liberal political economy and classical political economy. Researchers assert that the greater play in market forces means greater "freedom" of consumer choice. Therefore, liberal political economists believe that privatization of public services and communications is preferable because it increases consumer choice. Classical political economists would also assert that government intervention should be minimized so that market forces can have the widest "freedom" of operation. Meanwhile, critical political economists diverge from both of these perspectives by seeing beyond presupposed "freedoms," and focus on distortions and inequalities in the market system, which is often characterized by oligarchy or monopoly embodied in political and economical factors in critical political economy. They further point out that "whereas mainstream economics sees the economy as a separate and specialized domain, critical political economy is interested in the interplay between economic organizations and political, social and cultural life.

We should also look at critical political economy in relation to the contemporary culture, where media production has been increasing, commandeered by large corporations and molded to their interests and strategies. The reach of corporate relations has been extended by a push towards 'privatization' and the declining vitality of publicly funded cultural institutions. The extension of corporate reach reinforces a major process - The commoditization of cultural life. This is to say that when media products are seen as a good to be purchased by the mass audiences as consumers at this point, "firstly, audiences themselves contribute to the cost of programming in the form of additions to the retail price of heavily advertised goods, and secondly, audiences themselves are the primary commodity. The economics of commercial broadcasting revolves around the exchange of audiences for advertising revenue.

Inevitably,political economy has been particularly interested in determining the appropriate scope of public intervention. It is therefore inevitably involved in evaluating competing policies. Others comes to notice that news institutions have long been closely connected with politics; Zhao offers a detailed and persuasive account of the blending of commercial and propagandistic objectives in state-controlled media in post-Tiananmen Square China. After Tiananmen Square, the government tightened controls on the media, closed down three leading publications whose coverage it judged too sympathetic to the protesters, replaced editors at other newspapers, and required all news organizations to engage in self-criticism. The state continues to monitor political news but pays less attention to coverage of economic, social, and environmental issues.

To this extent, we see that news is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen, which means to understand news, we must understand what the sources are, most often the

stionably benevolent and self-righting, critical political economists do not automatically make this assumption.

Therefore, it is worth distinguishing critical political economy from two other economic perspectives, which are liberal political economy and classical political economy. Researchers assert that the greater play in market forces means greater "freedom" of consumer choice. Therefore, liberal political economists believe that privatization of public services and communications is preferable because it increases consumer choice. Classical political economists would also assert that government intervention should be minimized so that market forces can have the widest "freedom" of operation. Meanwhile, critical political economists diverge from both of these perspectives by seeing beyond presupposed "freedoms," and focus on distortions and inequalities in the market system, which is often characterized by oligarchy or monopoly embodied in political and economical factors in critical political economy. They further point out that "whereas mainstream economics sees the economy as a separate and specialized domain, critical political economy is interested in the interplay between economic organizations and political, social and cultural life.

We should also look at critical political economy in relation to the contemporary culture, where media production has been increasing, commandeered by large corporations and molded to their interests and strategies. The reach of corporate relations has been extended by a push towards 'privatization' and the declining vitality of publicly funded cultural institutions. The extension of corporate reach reinforces a major process - The commoditization of cultural life. This is to say that when media products are seen as a good to be purchased by the mass audiences as consumers at this point, "firstly, audiences themselves contribute to the cost of programming in the form of additions to the retail price of heavily advertised goods, and secondly, audiences themselves are the primary commodity. The economics of commercial broadcasting revolves around the exchange of audiences for advertising revenue.

Inevitably,political economy has been particularly interested in determining the appropriate scope of public intervention. It is therefore inevitably involved in evaluating competing policies. Others comes to notice that news institutions have long been closely connected with politics; Zhao offers a detailed and persuasive account of the blending of commercial and propagandistic objectives in state-controlled media in post-Tiananmen Square China. After Tiananmen Square, the government tightened controls on the media, closed down three leading publications whose coverage it judged too sympathetic to the protesters, replaced editors at other newspapers, and required all news organizations to engage in self-criticism. The state continues to monitor political news but pays less attention to coverage of economic, social, and environmental issues.

To this extent, we see that news is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen, which means to understand news, we must understand what the sources are, most often the

nomics sees the economy as a separate and specialized domain, critical political economy is interested in the interplay between economic organizations and political, social and cultural life.

We should also look at critical political economy in relation to the contemporary culture, where media production has been increasing, commandeered by large corporations and molded to their interests and strategies. The reach of corporate relations has been extended by a push towards 'privatization' and the declining vitality of publicly funded cultural institutions. The extension of corporate reach reinforces a major process - The commoditization of cultural life. This is to say that when media products are seen as a good to be purchased by the mass audiences as consumers at this point, "firstly, audiences themselves contribute to the cost of programming in the form of additions to the retail price of heavily advertised goods, and secondly, audiences themselves are the primary commodity. The economics of commercial broadcasting revolves around the exchange of audiences for advertising revenue.

Inevitably,political economy has been particularly interested in determining the appropriate scope of public intervention. It is therefore inevitably involved in evaluating competing policies. Others comes to notice that news institutions have long been closely connected with politics; Zhao offers a detailed and persuasive account of the blending of commercial and propagandistic objectives in state-controlled media in post-Tiananmen Square China. After Tiananmen Square, the government tightened controls on the media, closed down three leading publications whose coverage it judged too sympathetic to the protesters, replaced editors at other newspapers, and required all news organizations to engage in self-criticism. The state continues to monitor political news but pays less attention to coverage of economic, social, and environmental issues.

To this extent, we see that news is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen, which means to understand news, we must understand what the sources are, most often the

r advertising revenue.

Inevitably,political economy has been particularly interested in determining the appropriate scope of public intervention. It is therefore inevitably involved in evaluating competing policies. Others comes to notice that news institutions have long been closely connected with politics; Zhao offers a detailed and persuasive account of the blending of commercial and propagandistic objectives in state-controlled media in post-Tiananmen Square China. After Tiananmen Square, the government tightened controls on the media, closed down three leading publications whose coverage it judged too sympathetic to the protesters, replaced editors at other newspapers, and required all news organizations to engage in self-criticism. The state continues to monitor political news but pays less attention to coverage of economic, social, and environmental issues.

To this extent, we see that news is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen, which means to understand news, we must understand what the sources are, most often the sources are government official, their information is judged to be authoritative and accurate.

Finally, after by look at news as one factor of modern media, we conclude that critical political economy can be thought to be the study of the social and power relations that comprise the production, distribution, and consumption of media resources. A critical political economy of communication, then, would emphasize the institutional network of communication products that links producers, wholesalers, retailers and consumers. The changing forms of control along the production, distribution, and consumption of communication are also looked at within it. Critical political economy also tries to understand social change and historical transformation, which also represent in what Vinnie Mosco calls the 'social totality': "understanding the connections between the political and the economic."